At
the dawn of the era of capitalism, when commodity production remained
embedded in feudalism, many merchants established networks of
disconnected peasant households desirous of extra incomes and
possessing modest handiwork skills. They supplied these networks with
raw materials and tools (capital), paid for the work, secured the
products, and brought them to market, reaping a profit. This system
of “cottage” or “putting out” commodity production was a
factor in accumulating capital necessary for the later system of
collecting workers under one roof, what we came to know as
manufactory, a more efficient means of commodity production. In turn,
primitive manufactory, with the further accumulation of capital and
revolutionary changes in the productive forces, gave rise to an even
more efficient system of production by joining human labor with
machinery and seemingly inexhaustible and ever-available sources of
power.
Just
as the modern CEO and his or her corporate courtiers have inherited
the role of the early merchant-entrepreneur, today's workers are the
offspring of the peasant selling labor to the incipient capitalist.
Centuries
after the proto-capitalism of putting out “jobs” to small,
independent producers, the idea has returned. Ironically,
twenty-first century capitalism is reviving the idea thanks to the
ubiquitous technology of the smart phone and the computer. Modern
entrepreneurs link services from isolated, unrelated providers with
customers via the Internet. Arrangements and payments are made
through the intermediary of an entrepreneurial organization that
risks little and gains much. While the services have taken on
tech-sounding brand names like Uber, Airbnb, Instacart, or
TaskRabbit, advocates have dubbed the new enterprises “the sharing
economy,” an expression that conjures the image of a utopian New
Harmony of idealistic cooperators.
That
would be a false image, however.
The
“sharing economy” is nothing more than a new phase of monopoly
capitalism in the service sector, a new mode of exploitation enabled
by advances in the productive forces. As with the evolution of the
factory system, higher forms of organization have concentrated
industries and afforded higher rates of profit. Advances in
technology have allowed a company like Uber to spread its corporate
net both nationally and internationally, creating an enterprise much
broader and more flexible than existing taxicab or other vehicle
livery services. In a short time, the new wave of service start-ups
have rivaled or surpassed in revenue or usage the long-standing
traditionally organized business competitors. While their services
rely upon dissociated, heterogeneous service providers, they are
interlocked and dispatched with an efficiency only possible with the
latest technological advances.
But
even with these technological advances, it is the competitive edge
won by lower prices that account for the explosive growth of the
“sharing economy.” Customers are, first and foremost, flocking to
Uber, Airbnb, etc.
because
they perceive a value. This has been especially appealing to those
upper, upper-middle or want-to-be-upper stratum consumers who have
been damaged by the economic crisis. The “sharing economy”
thrives in the economic space between limousines (and taxis) and
public transportation, between the Ritz-Carlton and Motel Six.
Lower
prices are garnered in two very old-fashioned ways common to the
history of capitalism: exploitation and side-stepping regulation.
By
relying on informal employment and minimalist contracts, the “sharing
economy” sidesteps the historically accumulated regulatory
protections that have shaped the relevant industries (vehicle livery,
hospitality, etc.) over many decades of practice. Without these
protections, countless losses or injuries would have been suffered by
both consumers and employees. Of course regulation comes at a price.
Safety guarantees, training, maintaining humane working conditions,
catastrophic insurance etc., all add to the costs of the final
product. But billion-dollar corporations like Uber, hiding behind the
“sharing” mantra, ignore or deny these regulations. And so far,
corporate-friendly state and federal regulatory agencies have put up
only meek resistance. Utility commissions and consumer protection
agencies, always hesitant to step on corporate toes, have ignored the
potential for abuse or negligence. Things will change dramatically
when damages and legal actions begin to pile up.
But
the “sharing” employment model adds even more to the bottom line.
By using “free-lance” employees and selling the notion that they
are independent contractors, “sharing economy” corporate moguls
evade labor standards of any kind, depress payments on a whim, and
allocate work on a totally capricious basis. As independent
contractors, employees have virtually no supplemental workplace
rights; the terms and conditions of employment are completely
dictated by the boss. Wall
Street Journal
commentator Christopher Mims remarks how some have come to see the
“sharing economy” as the “new feudalism” (How
Everyone Misjudges the “Sharing” Economy, 5-24-2015).
Given its commonalities with the 15th
and 16th
century putting-out system, one can appreciate the comparison.
In
a Philadelphia study cited by Mims, Uber drivers, after
expenses,
averaged about ten dollars an hour. That figure will only go down
when off-warranty repairs and damages and insurance liabilities catch
up with extended usage. Moreover, Uber concedes that 51% of its
drivers work less than 15 hours a week. And since Uber hires 20,000
new drivers a month internationally, per capita hours can only go
down.
While
Airbnb doesn't directly exploit workers, it does (or soon will) take
jobs from the hospitality industry. Housekeepers, janitors, desk
personnel, concierge, etc. are not part of the expenses associated
with the Airbnb business model. Consequently, Airbnb enjoys a price
competitive advantage (though the customers never really are assured
of what he or she will get for the price). But like any competitive
advantage, vultures are attracted. In many cities, speculators are
purchasing properties explicitly to use for short-term Airbnb
rentals. Others are counting on rentals to finance home purchases.
Both practices are driving property values higher and higher, further
feeding the ethnic and class cleansing of our major cities for the
urban gentry.
As
with the other elements of the “sharing economy,” the avoidance
of regulatory protections, customary amenities, and consistent
service will eventually challenge the business model. “Accidents,”
sub-standard performance, and disputes are coming. When the aura of
newness wears off, the attraction of lower costs will lose much of
its glitz.
The
workplace may change, but exploitation remains the same. How the
labor movement responds will say a lot about the future of organized
labor. Depressed labor costs, whether it nests in the fast-food
industry or in the new “sharing economy,” imperils all of labor,
organized or unorganized.
If
labor leaders think that the Democrats will stem the dampening of
wages and benefits, they should think again. David Plouffe, President
Obama's former campaign manager now works for Uber and serves on its
board of directors. Bill Clinton's long-time spokesperson, Matt
McKenna, has also joined Uber. And then there is Jim Messina, head of
Priorities USA Action, a super PAC associated with Hillary Clinton's
Presidential aspirations. Messina works with both Uber and Airbnb to
smooth the way with Democratic Party legislators. Fat chance
Democratic leaders will stand in the way of the “sharing economy”
juggernaut.
Let's
hope organized labor has the foresight to tackle this emerging threat
to working class living standards.
Zoltan
Zigedy