Review: Requiem for French Theory--Transatlantic Funeral Dirge in a Marxist Key

During the 1960s and 1970s, it was an oft-repeated quip that the European left was long on theory and short on practice, while the North American left was strong on action, but allergic to theory.

In West Germany, Italy, and France, young leftists would often passionately debate theoretical questions deep into the night, while seldom coming to a common commitment to action the next day.

Their youthful US counterparts--revived after the retreat from High McCarthyism-- counted on spontaneous action and a firm commitment to common, inherited political values rather than the ideas buried in deep theoretical tracts.

But those observations were far from completely true. The often student-driven US New Left developed a thirst for a broader, deeper explanation of the injustices that they were rejecting. Many of those committed to action turned to left classics-- quite often a reconsidered Marx-- and others favored a wave of West European radical-oriented thinkers.

It is the rise and importation to the US of one particularly influential “brand” of European theory to which Aymeric Monville and Gabriel Rockhill’s new book is devoted. In Requiem for French Theory: Transatlantic Funeral Dirge in a Marxist Key (New York, Monthly Review Press, 2026, $22.00, 168 pp.), Monville and Rockhill show that what became known as “French Theory” in the US was both a calculated interruption of the rediscovery and study of Marxism and an intellectual trend hostile to anti-capitalist and socialist currents.

John Bellamy Foster’s excellent introduction (to be found in the March, 2026 issue of Monthly Review as well) locates D-Day for the invasion of French Theory as October 18, 1966 at the Humanities Center at Johns Hopkins University. On that day, a sizable number of French philosophers and social critics arrived to attend a three-day conference. This seemingly innocuous event introduced a veritable menu of acclaimed, celebrated (in France), radical-poseurs to an emerging left-intellectual crowd hungry for something new and anti-establishment. This moment arguably gave birth to the wave of postmodernist thought that subsequently swept through elite universities. Bellamy Foster gives due discredit to French Theory’s unfortunate affinity toward the fascistic influences of philosophers Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger.

Despite the sales-pitch of being radical, this traveling snake-oil show bore a strong antipathy to Marxism. They portrayed Marxism as staid, passé, or simply evil, and of having little relevance today. This was a sure-fire way to be welcomed into a US academic, intellectual community weaned on anti-Communism.

Foster calls on a semi-insider, Frederic Jameson, to affirm that French Theory-- despite its once celebrity-status in the French media-- was then on the wane in France just as US graduate students were enthusiastically drinking the Kool-Aid.

*****

Requiem for French Theory is organized in two parts and a brief conclusion: 1. An exposure of the origins, evolution, sponsorship, and the service of French Theory toward the goal of undermining Marxism and 2. an appeal to revitalize Marxism by shedding the moth-eaten garment of French Theory and embracing the traditions of authentic Marxist theory and practice. 

The book employs a question-and-answer structure, with Jennifer Ponce de León asking intelligent, challenging questions that invite equally intelligent and insightful answers. The three engage in a kind of Socratic trialogue. 

Both Monville and Rockhill speak to the legitimacy of French Theory as insiders. Both have higher degrees from the cathedrals of French Theory and have known its leading bishops intellectually as well as personally.

Monville and Rockhill employ a semi-division of labor in their assault on the academic fortress of French Theory. Monville offers argument after argument against the intellectual roots of French Theory, its axioms, and its content. He meets French Theory directly as a Marxist philosopher. 

Rockhill, on the other hand, also explains French Theory as a particularly malicious player in the multinational idea industry (Rockhill calls it the “knowledge industry,” but I recoil from this characterization because I was schooled in the philosophical tradition that argues that “knowledge” is a success-term!). Rockhill meets French Theory as a Marxist political economist. From this perspective, Rockhill chronicles French Theory’s promotion in elite US universities, the numerous publishing houses that sell it, and most importantly, the numerous foundations that put sums of money behind the intellectual infrastructure that supported French Theory in France and its importation to the Anglophone world. 

Rockhill’s industrial model of intellectual production, a model that seeks to show who and what are rewarded with academic success and a public soapbox, challenges the legitimacy of those who made the Faustian choice to harness their careers and reputation to French Theory. His model stands on the shoulders of Marx’s famous observation that:

The class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas. (The German Ideology)

Understandably, this approach has rankled many. Just as Rockhill’s earlier assault on the Frankfort school-- a Euro-American collection of philosophers and social critics who emphasize cultural critique-- angered many academics heavily invested in Adorno, Horkheimer, and Marcuse, this new book will likely generate a strong backlash to his charge that French Theory owes its popularity, at least in part, to its sponsorship by and compatibility with wealth and power. fn.1

Monville, Rockhill, and Ponce de León fervently argue for a return to Marx. They defend the Communist tradition that shaped the course of almost the entire twentieth century. They defend real-existing-socialism, fully aware of its failings and missteps, but embracing the great achievements won in the years since the Bolshevik Revolution. 

The authors cite the inestimable Michael Parenti:

To say that “socialism doesn’t work” is to overlook the fact that it did. In Eastern Europe, Russia, China, Mongolia, North Korea, and Cuba, revolutionary communism created a life for the mass of people that was far better than the wretched existence they had endured under feudal lords, military bosses, foreign colonizers, and Western capitalists. The end result was a dramatic improvement in living conditions for hundreds of millions of people on a scale never before or since witnessed in history. (Quoted from Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism)

Monville and Rockhill cleverly turn Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach on its head by charging that advocates of French Theory and their ilk believe that “Communists have only changed the world, in various ways (with negative, even disastrous, consequences); the point, however, is to interpret it!”

Rockhill states plainly what is at stake: “This is no longer--if it ever was-- a time to indulge in the theoretical games of the petty-bourgeois intellectual.” Monville adds: “It’s up to readers to have the last word, as referees. Put simply, that’s the rule [in poker]: at some point you have to lay your cards on the same table, because there is only one game, one table, one world.”

*****

Requiem for French Theory is an important book. It is an element of a larger project-- a long-overdue project-- of recognizing how ruling classes throw ideological sand in the eyes of the most militant, advanced workers and their class allies. The project exposes how institutions protective of the interests of capitalism (including the security services) devote vast sums of money to promote ideas counter to those ideas that empower workers. The project calls out the enablers-- institutions and influencers-- that hustle theories, perspectives, and critiques meant to misdirect, mislead, or simply muddy the ideological waters. It also exposes the witting and unwitting consumers-- activists and academics-- of these tainted products, who should know better.

Those consumers-- the career-oriented academics looking for an iconoclastic book theme, the young students seeking the next “hip” deep thinker, or the many earnestly searching desperately outside the mainstream for new answers-- are seduced by these snake-oil merchants by, in Rockhill’s Leninesque words:

...a heavy dose of pseudo-poetic obscurantism, empty phrase-mongering, signature neologisms, interrogative skepticism devoid of denotative statements, and a proliferation of bourgeois cultural references in order to kick enough discursive dirt into readers‘ eyes that they might have trouble immediately recognizing your radical discourse for what it is: an idealist theoretical practice grounded in the petty-bourgeois politics of a magical third way, which is devoid of rigorous materialist analysis and a grounding in real collective struggles.

Unfortunately, this imported nonsense masking as deep thinking intimidates many innocent victims afraid to call it out for what it is. Similarly, the credibility of so-called Analytical Marxism-- another misdirection-- rests on a profound fear of and inexperience with symbolic representation, giving its “findings” an undeserved legitimacy. Where obscurantism and mystification are French Theory’s secret sauce, symbols and equations serve the same function in Analytical Marxism.

To the objection that exposing the forces behind French Theory and its ilk is conspiratorial: why would it be surprising that those with power and wealth would use their resources to misdirect and delegitimize movements and programs that challenge power and wealth? Even the most dedicated mainstream rational-choice practitioner would insist that slandering Marxism-Leninism and offering toothless “radical” alternatives to Marxism are obviously the rational and self-interested actions for capitalist elites to take. Not only is it logical, but the rise of fascism between the World Wars factually demonstrates the lengths to which a ruling class-- desperately afraid of Marxism-- will go.

Exposing these machinations is exactly what is needed at a time when the revitalization of the Marxist left is most urgent.

Rockhill, Monville, and Ponce de León are leaders in this project, pioneered by non-Marxists like Frances Stonor Saunders and Hugh Wilford. As insiders in one of the more influential intellectual schools and as Marxists, Monville and Rockhill are uniquely positioned to see how “enemy” philosophies in the idea industry function to undermine social advances. 

Their work might be strengthened by linking the effort to undermine Marxism today to its historical antecedent in the post-war anti-Communist hysteria, as John McCumber does with his explanation of the practice of US professional philosophy (Time in the Ditch).

Also, it is not clear why the authors feel compelled to locate the sins of French Theory within a conceptual framework that they call “Western Marxism.” Clearly, it emerges from their justified respect for the late Italian philosopher, Domenico Losurdo, who continued to defend Marxism when most of his colleagues scurried like rats to dissociate from Marx in the post-Soviet era. However, Losurdo’s gathering of the various threads of recent history’s revisionism and opportunism under the geographically limiting and misleading rubric of “Western” Marxism seems unnecessary. Opportunism is opportunism; it doesn’t need a new, and somewhat ill-fitting, name.

Ponce de León, Monville, and Rockhill (and Bellamy Foster) have embarked on a righteous crusade to remove the ideological detours blocking the march to socialism. Their research and writing move us closer to getting a fair hearing for the powerful ideas of Marx, Engels, and Lenin.

1. A review of Rockhill's earlier book, Who Paid the Pipers of Western Marxism?, by Richard Gilman-Opalsky in the Marx and Philosophy Review of Books, received numerous irate commentaries in this normally placid and civil online journal.

Greg Godels

zzsblogml@gmail.com

An Overdue Look at the Environmental Crisis

“When I use a word,’ Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, ‘it means just what I choose it to mean — neither more nor less.’

’The question is,’ said Alice, ‘whether you can make words mean so many different things.’

’The question is,’ said Humpty Dumpty, ‘which is to be master — that’s all.”

― Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking Glass

Our global environmental crisis is widely understood to be reaching a crucial moment; the danger signals are flashing almost daily. Yet a certain complacency follows the many catastrophic climate events attributable to a critically injured environment. People talk easily of a climate Armageddon, while maintaining business as usual.

Is this fatalism? Are there onerous sacrifices necessary to save the planet? Are there insurmountable obstacles to finding solutions? Are we beyond the point-of-no-return? 

These questions need urgent answers.

The truth is that some leftists have been addressing these problems and ringing the alarm for decades. But some of us, though recognizing the crisis, have paid only lip-service to its solutions, neglecting to apply the unique perspective that Marxism could bring. Looking at the crisis through the lens of class and exploitation surely offers a deeper understanding than the sensationalism and superficiality of the capitalist media and their punditry.

Mea culpa.

Hopefully, my own absolution began with acquiring a copy of Monthly Review’s July-August issue devoted to perspectives on the environmental crisis from a left, Marxist-friendly perspective. Entitled Planned Degrowth: Ecosocialism and Sustainable Human Development (volume 75, number 3), the volume offers eleven contributions, with an important, essential, introductory essay by John Bellamy Foster. Foster has labored productively in the vineyards of ecosocialism for some time. The journal number comes highly recommended.

Much of the popular response to the unfolding environmental disaster is reducible to cultural environmentalism. Advocates call for a change in consumption patterns-- switching from products whose production, reproduction, or disposal is most harmful to our land, water, or air. Some cultural environmentalists demand a radical overall cut in consumption, insist on the elimination of conspicuous consumption, or even pose a philosophical challenge to the very concept of consumerism so prevalent in capitalist societies. 

But cultural environmentalism alone does not thoroughly address the institutions that encourage or incur needless carbon emissions, senseless waste, and the depletion of precious resources-- institutions like the military, the security, judicial, and penal system, the sales and marketing effort, mass entertainment, etc. Nor does it challenge capitalism itself.

On a global level, conserving only the twentieth-century resources allocated for war making, the social wealth lost to the destruction of past wars and necessitated by the remedial costs of death and suffering would put us uncountable years behind our current rendezvous with disaster. Even eliminating today’s bloated military budgets and stopping the current wars would lessen the immediate crisis dramatically. 

Most of the mainstream liberal and social democratic cultural environmentalists ignore these institutions that are deeply embedded in the capitalist infrastructure, instead opting for campaigns to eliminate or recycle the most energy-soaked articles of convenience-- cans, bottles, plastic bags, etc. or forcing the issue into the thick, impenetrable muck of bourgeois politics, legislative decision-making, and state regulation.

The Green New Deal, the consensus approach of the techno-environmentalists, promises to restructure capitalism by rewarding positive changes in energy generation and use, while sanctioning corporate foot dragging and avoidance. Implementation rests with the commitment of political puppets of corporate power-- the political strata. Again, there is no substantial challenge to capitalism and its institutions with techno-environmentalism.

The contributors to the Monthly Review anthology more or less understand the shortcomings of the liberal/social democratic approach. They grasp that capitalism-- with its insatiable thirst for accumulation-- cannot meet the challenge of environmental catastrophe. That reality animates all of the selections in Planned Degrowth. Yet, among the writers, there is little agreement on how to move beyond capitalism (of all the contributors, Ying Chen makes the strongest case for a robust, planned socialist economy genuinely independent of the capitalist mode of production).

Resolving those differences is made all the more difficult by the ambiguities and confusions accompanying the central concepts of planning and degrowth. 

It is commendable that nearly all of the participants understand that market forces alone are inadequate to extract humanity from the catastrophe awaiting us. Moreover, the alternative to markets necessarily is some form of economic planning-- some form of conscious human-based decision making. This alone is a departure from the left’s post-Soviet love-fest with market mechanisms and market socialism-- indeed, a welcome departure opening the way to a more robust socialism. But what form should the planning take? Who should make the plan?

Foster wisely sees the cause of environmental disaster in the capitalist’s insatiable need to “accumulate! accumulate!” -- borrowing Marx’s succinct summation. Accordingly, the challenge is to organize the economy around social usefulness, and not profit-- “focusing on use value rather than exchange value,” to employ Foster’s words.

Certainly, contrasting use value against exchange value, advantaging the former, requires some exiting from the market mechanism and a turn toward a different mechanism for the allocation of resources: conscious human decision-making, i.e. planning.

This makes a neat, compelling argument for some form of planning.

Unfortunately, most of the contributors have little regard for the rich twentieth-century experience in planning afforded by the now-defunct European socialist community. It is fashionable, among Western academic Marxists (or Marxians, as they sometimes like to be called), to heap scorn on the Soviet central planning mechanism in its different iterations despite its relative successes even without the benefit of today’s astounding computational powers. Apart from Paul Cockshott and some of his colleagues, there is little interest in exploring how a similar planning mechanism could be optimized using available technologies.

Foster, to his credit, offers a very modest defense of Soviet planning, especially regarding its impact on the environment. But others acknowledge the need for planning without providing even a sketch of how that would be done. 

Instead, several writers revisit the old New Left fetish of participatory democracy, as though the more fingers in the planning pie, the better, regardless of the results. This reaches the limits of absurdity with the Venezuelan rural commune proposed as the model for a planning mechanism to rescue the world economy from the throes of environmental crisis, a utopian fantasy.

The other Western Marxist obsession is decentralization. Apparently, the political model beloved by the North American-European left is the Swiss canton, the landsgemeinde, combining the smallest possible political units with the most direct democracy. How such decentralized planning could successfully redirect a modern juggernaut economy to escape the tyranny of markets requires a giant leap of faith (As Nicolas Graham understates, “... it is quite difficult to imagine effective planning… without some coordinating authority and external arbiter.”) 

Planned Degrowth’s other key idea, degrowth, is also underdeveloped. Informing this concept is the looming disaster cited by Foster and implicit with all of the authors: 

The world scientific consensus, as represented by the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has established that the global average temperature needs to be kept below a 1.5-degree Centigrade increase over pre-industrial levels this century-- or else, with a disproportionately higher level of risk, “well below” a 2-degree Centigrade increase-- if climate destabilization is not to threaten absolute catastrophe… All of this is predicated on reaching net zero (in fact, real zero) carbon emissions by 2050, which gives a fifty-fifty chance that the climate-temperature boundary will not be exceeded.

Understandably, faced with these limits, most of us recognize that, in some sense or another, we cannot have our cake and eat it, too. That is, growing carbon emissions, growing consumption patterns, more broadly-- growing GDP as support for growing consumption or growing population, and any and all other forms of growth that potentially increase carbon emissions cannot be simultaneously sustained without an existential threat to life on the planet.

But is it misleading, simplistic, and maybe even harmful to popularize degrowth in general as the solution to the life-or-death challenge of carbon-emission limits? Are there different kinds of “growth” -- minimal emissions, emissions-neutral, or even emissions-free-- that sidestep the rendezvous with climate disaster? Would not market-free, planned economic growth, itself, forestall that rendezvous? Can we not envision a growing, planned socialist economy that stems or reverses increases in emissions?

In the historically nuanced Marxist perspective, growth of the productive forces of society need not be coupled with an anarchical, unfettered, profit-driven economy, nor has it always been so associated. On the other hand, the preferred capitalist measuring stick of growth-- gross domestic product-- reflects that association: in the capitalist industrial era, growth (GDP), national wealth, the unregulated exploitation of carbon-based energy, and the exploitation of labor are inextricably bound. 

For Marxists, there is no such necessary link. Free of the wasteful uses of social wealth for class aggrandizement, class suppression, and endless accumulation, growth can be redefined as the unbounded improvement in both the quality and prospects of all human life. For example, the development of vaccines for Covid or future attacks of new viruses requires the further development of productive forces and constitutes a growth in social wealth, but with far less impact on the environment when undertaken outside the framework of the profit-driven capitalist system.

Marx and Engels gave us a different perspective on growth in The German Ideology, linking the development of forces of production directly to the improvement of humanity’s survivability and flourishing, while faced with ever-arising challenges from nature and other humans. They remind us that the mode of production is not only what people produce but how they produce. That ever-present, evolving challenge may, in some sense, at some time, require “growth,” but growth away from carbon emissions, waste, excess, inefficiency, and greed. Thus, we would define a new, humane concept of growth and production.

Foster comes close to recognizing this possibility by distinguishing “a quantitative as well a qualitative sense” of productive forces. But he seems to overlook that the qualitative expansion of productive forces might well be qualitative production, production independent of fossil fuels, carbon emissions, and environmental degradation-- production of new ideas, new living arrangements, new divisions of labor, etc. This would be a more refined notion of growth, far more useful than the BEA or OECD definition of gross domestic product that degrowth addresses. 

Two contributors, Isikara and Narin, are dismissive of the explanatory power of the second law of thermodynamics in the social world. Yet it does capture the fundamental struggle that only humans wage with ultimately limited, but astonishing success against a system’s tendency toward disorder. The development of productive forces was-- qualitatively or quantitatively-- the primary effective human response to this law: the law of entropy. The idea of degrowth, so superficially compelling in its simplicity, fails to account for this universal struggle. The environmental crisis is only the latest chapter in the perpetual struggle against species extinction. Like previous struggles, it will take development (and in the broadest sense, growth) of the productive forces to win, even if only temporarily from the inevitable disorder of closed systems.

Perhaps the biggest obstacle to a just, viable solution to the environmental crisis is the gross inequalities found in the capitalist countries and found between the advanced capitalist countries and those less advanced. The weakness of the degrowth mantra aside, any immediate solution to the crisis will require limits to carbon emissions, limits that will fall unfairly upon the disadvantaged unless some compensatory distribution-- national and global affirmative action-- is established. In other words, should sacrifices be necessary, they must be fairly imposed. No poor country or poor population should be required or even asked to make commensurate sacrifices with wealthy countries or wealthy elites. More importantly, their development-- their ‘catching up’-- should not be delayed as long as they lag behind their wealthier counterparts. Jason Hickel and Dylan Sullivan make a powerful historico-empirical argument that capitalism can never meet this demand in their contribution. 

The only large-scale affirmative action program ever effectively actuated was the post-World War II collaboration of the socialist countries, coordinated by the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA, known in the West as Comecon). The CMEA based itself on the Leninist doctrine and the history of intensive investment of Soviet resources in the former Russian empire’s disadvantaged oppressed nations. Cognizant of the uneven development produced and reproduced by class society, the Soviet Union proportionately devoted far more resources to the “backward” constituent republics than to the more advanced Russian Republic.

The CMEA sought to continue this policy with the post-war socialist community. For example, the Soviet Union would offer an extended contract for oil to Cuba at the lowest market price of a previous period, while agreeing to purchase a fixed amount of sugar at the highest market price of that period. In addition, the Soviet Union would grant the poorer member state favorable, extended payment terms. It should be noted that the Soviet beet crop was more than adequate to supply Soviet sugar needs at a lower cost. At the same time, the Soviet Union would provide grants and low-interest, long-term loans for Cuban infrastructure and industrial development.

This, and most internal CMEA agreements, typified affirmative action on a massive scale to correct uneven development.

Given that capitalism has never known or even devised such a leveling, developmentally egalitarian approach in international affairs nor that any country today practices it (apart from socialist Cuba, generously, but with limited resources), the necessity for global affirmative action on the environment would seem to be a powerful argument for socialism among leftist activists. 

True to the history of Western Marxism, European-North American socialists find little worthwhile in the history of the Soviet Union, so the argument seldom sees the light of day.

That is not to say that the contributors to Degrowth Planning are unaware of the inequalities standing in the way of any fair and equitable answer to the environmental crisis. Foster is explicit: “At the same time, the poorer countries with low ecological footprints have to be allowed to develop in a general process that includes contraction in throughput of energy and materials in the rich countries and the convergence of per capita consumption in physical terms in the world as a whole.”

But what is lacking with all the participants’ accounts is agency. Who will tackle these challenges? Who will adopt a program that incorporates these considerations? Who will build a movement to move a program forward? 

It would be unfair to fault the twelve academics contributing to this issue for having no ready answer to these questions. Nonetheless, if theory is to matter, we must have practical answers (Isikara and Narin almost broach this issue, but deliver it in unnecessarily opaque academic language) and avoid utopia-spinning. Too often intellectuals deliver theory in the passive voice: “What is objectively necessary at this point in human history is therefore a revolutionary transformation… governing production, consumption, and distribution… a shift away from the system of monopoly capital, exploitation, expropriation, waste, and the endless drive to accumulation.”

Yes, but who is to accomplish this and how are they to do it?

It is far easier to say who will not do it! But surely it can be conceded that we need a class-based revolutionary party committed to a robust socialism that will wrest political and economic power from the capitalist class. Should we not be vigorously working toward that end if we want to avoid our date with doom?

Despite my reservations, I strongly recommend the special Monthly Review issue devoted to the environmental crisis, entitled Planned Degrowth: ecosocialism and sustainable human development.

Greg Godels

zzsblogml@gmail.com